What is the relation between politics and globalization? - Im Jaeyeong

1. Summerize

This article begins by critiquing the simplistic view that 'political globalization' merely signifies the 'decline of the nation-state'. The author argues that political globalization is far more complex and should be understood as a continuous 'tension' among three core dynamics.
First is 'global geopolitics'. This refers to the geopolitical conflict between the hegemony of great powers, such as the United States, and opposing centers of power, occurring simultaneously with the global spread of democracy and the nation-state model. Paradoxically, globalization does not abolish the nation-state; rather, it establishes the democratic nation-state as a 'universal standard'.
Second is the rise of a 'global normative culture'. This refers to 'global norms'—such as human rights, environmental issues, and sustainable development—that are formed independently of states. These norms challenge state sovereignty and serve as a new reference point for all political discourse.
Third is 'polycentric networks'. Represented by 'global civil society', this signifies the activities of non-state actors that are not bound by territory and emerge from multiple centers. This includes NGOs and social movements, as well as terrorist networks.
The author emphasizes that these three forces (geopolitics, norms, and networks) are not separate but are complexly intertwined. In conclusion, the author posits that globalization is not leading toward a single 'world government' or 'global polity'. Instead, it is seen as generating diverse 'transnational political actions' that challenge neoliberal politics, thereby creating new conflicts (such as autonomy versus fragmentation). The article analyzes this transformation in detail through four case studies: 'the state and citizenship', 'the public sphere', 'civil society', and 'space and borders'.

2. Something new and interesting

The most interesting points were the analyses of the 'transformation of the nation-state' and the 'transformation of borders'.
First, I had commonly thought that globalization merely weakens the state, but the author's point that the 'nation' and the 'state' are 'decoupling' was new. For example, in the case of the EU (European Union), 'state' functions, such as financial regulation and trade, move to a transnational level and arguably become more functional. However, at the same time, the 'nation' community, feeling abandoned by the state, reacts against this change, showing a regression into populist nationalism (e.g., the rise of the far-right, the 2005 French rejection of the EU constitution). I found this dual analysis—'the state becomes transnational, while the nation paradoxically becomes more nationalistic'—to be extremely insightful.
Second, the rebuttal of the conventional wisdom that globalization creates a 'borderless world' was also impressive. The author argues that 'debordering' and 'rebordering' are occurring simultaneously. Borders no longer exist only at the territorial edge; they are 'dispersed' throughout society via immigration surveillance, security issues, and terror threats. The section quoting Balibar—that "borders are now everywhere"—was a fresh interpretation, suggesting that borders have not vanished but have instead infiltrated all aspects of our lives.

3. Questions and Discussions 

The article mentions that 'global civil society' includes not only positive NGOs but also a 'dark-side,' such as terrorists and organized crime. If this 'dark-side' shares the same characteristics of a 'polycentric network,' how can we promote the positive civil society networks while controlling the negative ones? Is this possible without state intervention?
The author concludes that globalization creates a new tension between 'autonomy' and 'fragmentation'. Don't the events we are experiencing in the world today—such as political polarization, cultural conflict, and the spread of fake news—suggest that we are leaning more heavily toward 'fragmentation'? What are the concrete signs of the 'new emancipatory possibilities' or 'autonomy' that the author mentions, and where can we find them in reality?

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